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a declaration though quite possible might involve
inconsistencies because Japan no longer recognises the Chiang Kai-shek Government) because Japan obviously
does not wish to embroil herself with third powers and
because the Chinese Government have shown themselves
capable of putting up a better defence than was expected.
It is also now clearer that our interests in China have
better chances of favourable treatment under a Chinese
régime than under a Japanese, and that consequently the
complete defeat of China is not in our interests. Hong Kong
is no longer the only means of obtaining munitions from
abroad; hey are coming in from Russia and may also soon
come in over the Burma road. It may therefore be argued
that Hong kong need not perhaps fear Japanese reprisals to
the same extent now as formerly, On the other hand the
establishment of such a factory would be a complete reversal
of the policy so far followed and it is difficult to imagine
anything more likely to drive the Japanese to extremes than
such a step. It may of course be argued that the factory
need not export machines to china or Japan, but it is
obvious that the market in other parts of the Far East is
not sufficiently great to warrant such a large capital
outlay as would be involved, and that, if exports to the se
two countries were forbidden, it would probably prove
difficult to finance the undertaking.
The whole complex
of arrangements at present enforced in Hong long is built
up on the assumption that Hong Kong must behave as a neutral,
and the establishment of such a factory as this if
accompanied, as it would be, by exports of military aircraft
to China is in contradiction to that behaviour.
7.
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